Posts Tagged ‘Judge Preska’

Jeremy Hammond has been sentenced to 10 years in prison. The statement Jeremy read at the hearing today, November 15th 2013, is available below. We are filled with regret for the decision handed down by Judge Preska and offer our sincerest condolences to Jeremy’s family. We stand in solidarity with Jeremy’s friends, family and supporters but above all we stand in solidarity with Jeremy Hammond. We will never forgive. We will never forget.

Note: As indicated, below is Jeremy’s issued statement of November 15, 2013. However, it was redacted, by order of Judge Preska. Below it, there is another Hammond statement that outlines what was in the redacted material. A source indicates it is Jeremy’s words from a previously unpublished text. We have obtained it from @ioerror pastebin link.

Good morning. Thank you for this opportunity. My name is Jeremy Hammond and I’m here to be sentenced for hacking activities carried out during my involvement with Anonymous. I have been locked up at MCC for the past 20 months and have had a lot of time to think about how I would explain my actions.

Before I begin, I want to take a moment to recognize the work of the people who have supported me. I want to thank all the lawyers and others who worked on my case: Elizabeth Fink, Susan Kellman, Sarah Kunstler, Emily Kunstler, Margaret Kunstler, and Grainne O’Neill. I also want to thank the National Lawyers Guild, the Jeremy Hammond Defense Committee and Support Network, Free Anons, the Anonymous Solidarity Network, Anarchist Black Cross, and all others who have helped me by writing a letter of support, sending me letters, attending my court dates, and spreading the word about my case. I also want to shout out my brothers and sisters behind bars and those who are still out there fighting the power.

The acts of civil disobedience and direct action that I am being sentenced for today are in line with the principles of community and equality that have guided my life. I hacked into dozens of high profile corporations and government institutions, understanding very clearly that what I was doing was against the law, and that my actions could land me back in federal prison. But I felt that I had an obligation to use my skills to expose and confront injustice—and to bring the truth to light.

Could I have achieved the same goals through legal means? I have tried everything from voting petitions to peaceful protest and have found that those in power do not want the truth to be exposed. When we speak truth to power we are ignored at best and brutally suppressed at worst. We are confronting a power structure that does not respect its own system of checks and balances, never mind the rights of it’s own citizens or the international community.

My introduction to politics was when George W. Bush stole the Presidential election in 2000, then took advantage of the waves of racism and patriotism after 9/11 to launch unprovoked imperialist wars against Iraq and Afghanistan. I took to the streets in protest naively believing our voices would be heard in Washington and we could stop the war. Instead, we were labeled as traitors, beaten, and arrested.

I have been arrested for numerous acts of civil disobedience on the streets of Chicago, but it wasn’t until 2005 that I used my computer skills to break the law in political protest. I was arrested by the FBI for hacking into the computer systems of a right-wing, pro-war group called Protest Warrior, an organization that sold racist t-shirts on their website and harassed anti-war groups. I was charged under the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, and the “intended loss” in my case was arbitrarily calculated by multiplying the 5000 credit cards in Protest Warrior’s database by $500, resulting in a total of $2.5 million.My sentencing guidelines were calculated on the basis of this “loss,” even though not a single credit card was used or distributed – by me or anyone else. I was sentenced to two years in prison.

While in prison I have seen for myself the ugly reality of how the criminal justice system destroys the lives of the millions of people held captive behind bars. The experience solidified my opposition to repressive forms of power and the importance of standing up for what you believe.

When I was released, I was eager to continue my involvement in struggles for social change. I didn’t want to go back to prison, so I focused on above-ground community organizing. But over time, I became frustrated with the limitations, of peaceful protest, seeing it as reformist and ineffective. The Obama administration continued the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, escalated the use of drones, and failed to close Guantanamo Bay.

Around this time, I was following the work of groups like Wikileaks and Anonymous. It was very inspiring to see the ideas of hactivism coming to fruition. I was particularly moved by the heroic actions of Chelsea Manning, who had exposed the atrocities committed by U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. She took an enormous personal risk to leak this information – believing that the public had a right to know and hoping that her disclosures would be a positive step to end these abuses. It is heart-wrenching to hear about her cruel treatment in military lockup.

I thought long and hard about choosing this path again. I had to ask myself, if Chelsea Manning fell into the abysmal nightmare of prison fighting for the truth, could I in good conscience do any less, if I was able? I thought the best way to demonstrate solidarity was to continue the work of exposing and confronting corruption.

I was drawn to Anonymous because I believe in autonomous, decentralized direct action. At the time Anonymous was involved in operations in support of the Arab Spring uprisings, against censorship, and in defense of Wikileaks. I had a lot to contribute, including technical skills, and how to better articulate ideas and goals. It was an exciting time – the birth of a digital dissent movement, where the definitions and capabilities of hacktivism were being shaped.

I was especially interested in the work of the hackers of LulzSec who were breaking into some significant targets and becoming increasingly political. Around this time, I first started talking to Sabu, who was very open about the hacks he supposedly committed, and was encouraging hackers to unite and attack major government and corporate systems under the banner of Anti Security. But very early in my involvement, the other Lulzsec hackers were arrested, leaving me to break into systems and write press releases. Later, I would learn that Sabu had been the first one arrested, and that the entire time I was talking to him he was an FBI informant.

Anonymous was also involved in the early stages of Occupy Wall Street. I was regularly participating on the streets as part of Occupy Chicago and was very excited to see a worldwide mass movement against the injustices of capitalism and racism. In several short months, the “Occupations” came to an end, closed by police crackdowns and mass arrests of protestors who were kicked out of their own public parks. The repression of Anonymous and the Occupy Movement set the tone for Antisec in the following months – the majority of our hacks against police targets were in retaliation for the arrests of our comrades.

I targeted law enforcement systems because of the racism and inequality with which the criminal law is enforced. I targeted the manufacturers and distributors of military and police equipment who profit from weaponry used to advance U.S. political and economic interests abroad and to repress people at home. I targeted information security firms because they work in secret to protect government and corporate interests at the expense of individual rights, undermining and discrediting activists, journalists and other truth seekers, and spreading disinformation.

I had never even heard of Stratfor until Sabu brought it to my attention. Sabu was encouraging people to invade systems, and helping to strategize and facilitate attacks. He even provided me with vulnerabilities of targets passed on by other hackers, so it came as a great surprise when I learned that Sabu had been working with the FBI the entire time.

On December 4, 2011, Sabu was approached by another hacker who had already broken into Stratfor’s credit card database. Sabu, under the watchful eye of his government handlers, then brought the hack to Antisec by inviting this hacker to our private chatroom, where he supplied download links to the full credit card database as well as the initial vulnerability access point to Stratfor’s systems.

I spent some time researching Stratfor and reviewing the information we were given, and decided that their activities and client base made them a deserving target. I did find it ironic that Stratfor’s wealthy and powerful customer base had their credit cards used to donate to humanitarian organizations, but my main role in the attack was to retrieve Stratfor’s private email spools which is where all the dirty secrets are typically found.

It took me more than a week to gain further access into Stratfor’s internal systems, but I eventually broke into their mail server. There was so much information, we needed several servers of our own in order to transfer the emails. Sabu, who was involved with the operation at every step, offered a server, which was provided and monitored by the FBI. Over the next weeks, the emails were transferred, the credit cards were used for donations, and Stratfor’s systems were defaced and destroyed. Why the FBI would introduce us to the hacker who found the initial vulnerability and allow this hack to continue remains a mystery.

As a result of the Stratfor hack, some of the dangers of the unregulated private intelligence industry are now known. It has been revealed through Wikileaks and other journalists around the world that Stratfor maintained a worldwide network of informants that they used to engage in intrusive and possibly illegal surveillance activities on behalf of large multinational corporations.

After Stratfor, I continued to break into other targets, using a powerful “zero day exploit” allowing me administrator access to systems running the popular Plesk webhosting platform. Sabu asked me many times for access to this exploit, which I refused to give him. Without his own independent access, Sabu continued to supply me with lists of vulnerable targets. I broke into numerous websites he supplied, uploaded the stolen email accounts and databases onto Sabu’s FBI server, and handed over passwords and backdoors that enabled Sabu (and, by extension, his FBI handlers) to control these targets.

These intrusions, all of which were suggested by Sabu while cooperating with the FBI, affected thousands of domain names and consisted largely of foreign government websites, including those of XXXXXXX, XXXXXXXX, XXXX, XXXXXX, XXXXX, XXXXXXXX, XXXXXXX and theXXXXXX XXXXXXX. In one instance, Sabu and I provided access information to hackers who went on to deface and destroy many government websites in XXXXXX. I don’t know how other information I provided to him may have been used, but I think the government’s collection and use of this data needs to be investigated.

The government celebrates my conviction and imprisonment, hoping that it will close the door on the full story. I took responsibility for my actions, by pleading guilty, but when will the government be made to answer for its crimes?

The U.S. hypes the threat of hackers in order to justify the multi billion dollar cyber security industrial complex, but it is also responsible for the same conduct it aggressively prosecutes and claims to work to prevent. The hypocrisy of “law and order” and the injustices caused by capitalism cannot be cured by institutional reform but through civil disobedience and direct action. Yes I broke the law, but I believe that sometimes laws must be broken in order to make room for change.

In the immortal word of Frederick Douglas, “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will. Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found out the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.”

This is not to say that I do not have any regrets. I realize that I released the personal information of innocent people who had nothing to do with the operations of the institutions I targeted. I apologize for the release of data that was harmful to individuals and irrelevant to my goals. I believe in the individual right to privacy – from government surveillance, and from actors like myself, and I appreciate the irony of my own involvement in the trampling of these rights. I am committed to working to make this world a better place for all of us. I still believe in the importance of hactivism as a form of civil disobedience, but it is time for me to move on to other ways of seeking change. My time in prison has taken a toll on my family, friends, and community. I know I am needed at home. I recognize that 7 years ago I stood before a different federal judge, facing similar charges, but this does not lessen the sincerity of what I say to you today.

It has taken a lot for me to write this, to explain my actions, knowing that doing so — honestly — could cost me more years of my life in prison. I am aware that I could get as many as 10 years, but I hope that I do not, as I believe there is so much work to be done.


Text from a previously unpublished statement which seems to clarify above redactions:

“Sabu also supplied lists of targets that were vulnerable to “zero day exploits” used to break into systems, including a powerful remote root vulnerability effecting the popular Plesk software. At his request, these websites were broken into, their emails and databases were uploaded to Sabu’s FBI server, and the password information and the location of root backdoors were supplied. These intrusions took place in January/February of 2012 and affected over 2000 domains, including numerous foreign government websites in Brazil, Turkey, Syria, Puerto Rico, Colombia, Nigeria, Iran, Slovenia, Greece, Pakistan, and others. A few of the compromised websites that I recollect include the official website of the Governor of Puerto Rico, the Internal Affairs Division of the Military Police of Brazil, the Official Website of the Crown Prince of Kuwait, the Tax Department of Turkey, the Iranian Academic Center for Education and Cultural Research, the Polish Embassy in the UK, and the Ministry of Electricity of Iraq.

Sabu also infiltrated a group of hackers that had access to hundreds of Syrian systems including government institutions, banks, and ISPs. He logged several relevant IRC channels persistently asking for live access to mail systems and bank transfer details. The FBI took advantage of hackers who wanted to help support the Syrian people against the Assad regime, who instead unwittingly provided the U.S. government access to Syrian systems, undoubtedly supplying useful intelligence to the military and their buildup for war.

All of this happened under the control and supervision of the FBI and can be easily confirmed by chat logs the government provided to us pursuant to the government’s discovery obligations in the case against me. However, the full extent of the FBI’s abuses remains hidden. Because I pled guilty, I do not have access to many documents that might have been provided to me in advance of trial, such as Sabu’s communications with the FBI. In addition, the majority of the documents provided to me are under a “protective order” which insulates this material from public scrutiny. As government transparency is an issue at the heart of my case, I ask that this evidence be made public. I believe the documents will show that the government’s actions go way beyond catching hackers and stopping computer crimes.”

I pleaded guilty to one count of violating the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. This was a very difficult decision. I hope this statement will explain my reasoning. I believe in the power of the truth. In keeping with that, I do not want to hide what I did or to shy away from my actions. This non-cooperating plea agreement frees me to tell the world what I did and why, without exposing any tactics or information to the government and without jeopardizing the lives and well-being of other activists on and offline.

During the past 15 months I have been relatively quiet about the specifics of my case as I worked with my lawyers to review the discovery and figure out the best legal strategy. There were numerous problems with the government’s case, including the credibility of FBI informant Hector Monsegur. However, because prosecutors stacked the charges with inflated damages figures, I was looking at a sentencing guideline range of over 30 years if I lost at trial. I have wonderful lawyers and an amazing community of people on the outside who support me. None of that changes the fact that I was likely to lose at trial. But, even if I was found not guilty at trial, the government claimed that there were eight other outstanding indictments against me from jurisdictions scattered throughout the country. If I had won this trial I would likely have been shipped across the country to face new but similar charges in a different district. The process might have repeated indefinitely. Ultimately I decided that the most practical route was to accept this plea with a maximum of a ten year sentence and immunity from prosecution in every federal court.

Now that I have pleaded guilty it is a relief to be able to say that I did work with Anonymous to hack Stratfor, among other websites. Those others included military and police equipment suppliers, private intelligence and information security firms, and law enforcement agencies. I did this because I believe people have a right to know what governments and corporations are doing behind closed doors. I did what I believe is right.

I have already spent 15 months in prison. For several weeks of that time I have been held in solitary confinement. I have been denied visits and phone calls with my family and friends. This plea agreement spares me, my family, and my community a repeat of this grinding process.

I would like to thank all of my friends and supporters for their amazing and ongoing gestures of solidarity. Today I am glad to shoulder the responsibility for my actions and to move one step closer to daylight.

  • Jeremy Hammond
  • Jeremy Hammond, Whistleblower and Electronic Robin Hood. Jeremy Hammond faces a life term for hacking Stratfor Emails, and providing them to Wikileaks. U.S. Federal Judge Loretta Preska has refused to recuse herself from the closely watched trial of jailed computer hacker Jeremy Hammond, an alleged member of the group “Anonymous” charged with hacking into the computers of the private intelligence firm Stratfor and turning over some five million emails to the whistleblowing website WikiLeaks.

    Michael Ratner is President Emeritus of the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) in New York and Chair of the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights in Berlin.

    Michael Ratner: He’s known as the Electronic Robin Hood. He’s a 28-year-old man. He’s currently in federal prison here in New York. His name is Jeremy Hammond. In my view, Jeremy Hammond is a very important whistleblower and he should be a hero to many. Jeremy Hammond is the equivalent of an electronic Robin Hood if he did what the Government alleges. So he is really part of the attack that you’re seeing right now on what are called hacktivists. These are really political people, whom are obtaining Government and private documents and exposing the corruption, the venality, and the criminality of not just private companies but Governments as well.

    The Center for Constitutional Rights and myself are the lawyers in the United States for Julian Assange and WikiLeaks. WikiLeaks has two very big sources of documents. One of them are the documents allegedly that Bradley Manning uploaded, which include of course the Iraq war logs, Afghan war logs, the videos, etc., and that’s Bradley Manning, allegedly. The others are the Stratfor documents, which is the private intelligence company, which are some five million documents, that again were uploaded to WikiLeaks. So, if we talk about our client, Julian Assange, two of the alleged sources are Jeremy Hammond, Anonymous and Bradley Manning. So we’re very concerned. WikiLeaks, I know, is very concerned that its sources get protected in all the support they can get.

    So, as part of that, I have been monitoring and going to various hearings with Jeremy Hammond, and I went into the prison and I met Jeremy Hammond. And I was at his recent bail hearing in federal court, where even though he’s been in prison some nine months and needs to prepare for his upcoming criminal case on his alleged hack into the Stratfor emails, the judge, Judge Loretta Preska, denied him bail. It was a one-and-a-half-hour hearing. There were a number of supporters in the courtroom who came from all over the country, with Jeremy Hammond — “Free Jeremy Hammond” shirts on. And it was, in my view, a very hostile hearing to Jeremy Hammond.

    Postcards for Jeremy Hammond: Considering the locations of all of the supporters of Jeremy Hammond, we have started this project not only to increase mail to Jeremy but to show Jeremy that he has support from all over the world. Please join us in getting a postcard and sending it to Jeremy. Jeremy has expressed many times that he loves receiving letters and his lawyers have expressed to us the prison’s frustration with having to sort through all of his mail. So, lets make Jeremy very happy and piss off the prison by sending Jeremy a postcard from wherever you live.

  • Jeremy Hammond – 18729-424
    Metropolitan Correctional Center
    150 Park
    Row New York, New York, 10007
  • We would like to offer sincere thanks to @small_affair for covering the April 10th, 2013 Hammond hearing in NYC, and live streaming the event. We have reprinted her account here, but encourage you to view the original post at the Occupy The Stage site, to see included media. Occupy The Stage and @small_affair have been tireless supporters of FreeAnons, producing media, making parade floats, and encouraging us with their fantastic media, and we deeply appreciate their work.

    “On April 10, 2013, I sat in courtroom 12 A of the Federal Courthouse in New York City  with dozens of Jeremy Hammond supporters. I watched Jeremy Hammond, dressed in a grey jumpsuit, as he was escorted into the courtroom to sit with is defense team. Once seated, he turned around and said quietly, “What’s up everybody” while smiling. His mother was in the courtroom for the first time since his arrest on March 5, 2012, and his friends and family smiled and waved until Judge Loretta Preska entered the courtroom.

    Jeremy is accused of accessing the intelligence firm Stratfor and its database, releasing emails that were later released to the public by WikiLeaks. He could spend 37 years to life in prison for allegedly accessing information detailing  a global surveillance system Trapwire that’s been monitoring activists groups like Occupy Wall Street and PETA and the spying on victims of the Bhopal disaster.  See What would we know without you, Jeremy Hammond? for details.

    I traveled to New York specifically to show court solidarity for Jeremy’s appearance.  Although I have never met Jeremy, I cannot ignore the level of governmental corruption surrounding his case. Already, Jeremy Hammond has spent over one year in prison with time in solitary confinement; he has been denied bail by a judge with a conflict of interest, and he has been refused access to his own case materials. These materials include 59,00 chat logs that contain 3.5 million lines of text. During the fourteen visits between Jeremy and his defense team, the government issued laptop has only been available four times. Since the February 21, 2013 recusal hearing Jeremy has had five additional hours of time with a computer to work on his defense, bringing the total amount of time to eleven hours. This is simply not enough.

    In Judge Preska’s courtroom, the defense attorney explained that despite the fact that a laptop was provided to them in January by the U.S. Government, they have been unable to review materials related to Jeremy’s case in a timely manner.  While they have been working with Adam Johnson at the Metropolitan Correctional Center to make sure this computer is available when they visit Jeremy, the defense has experienced what seems to be a communication problem amongst staff at MCC. It is my understanding that the defense puts in a request for the computer to be available prior to a scheduled meeting with Jeremy. Mr. Johnson receives the request and then puts the computer up front, but the staff may change shifts and not know the laptop is there when the defense arrives to meet with Jeremy. This causes delays as defense attorneys wait in the MCC for the staff to find this laptop and has severely limited the time they’ve been able to spend reviewing the “discovery.” Moreover, the computer itself cannot access the internet, so the defense is unable to conduct internet research while meeting with Jeremy and may have to leave the meeting to conduct research elsewhere. Eleven hours is not enough.

    Computer access is critical for the defense, and considering the current conditions of Jeremy’s incarceration, it seems unlikely that he can possibly receive a fair trial. Had he been released on bail, he would have been able to analyze this material with his defense team constantly. As it stands, the defense team needs to be able to review these 3.5 million lines of text with Jeremy because only he may recognize information that will aid in his defense. Preska’s denial of bail has heavily impacted this case to the point that one questions whether Jeremy’s entrapment by an FBI agent whose plea bargain was  presided over by none other than Judge Loretta Preska and lack of access to his own case materials is by design. This system does, after all, allow Stratfor to engage in secret, illegal surveillance;  the federal government continues to pursue activists and journalists like Matthew Keys and Barrett Brown and obviously wants to keep some of its secrets hidden (Occupy NOLA is especially grateful to Matthew Keys for providing this information about the FBI monitoring NOLA activists). It seems likely that Jeremy’s freedom jeopardizes this web of secrecy and entrapment. While the FBI had no problem allowing the Stratfor emails to be turned over to WikiLeaks, their use of an informant and nature of the “discovery” (the  3.5 million lines of text with possibly up to 45000 chat participants/co-conspirators) indicates that the United States does not want more of its secrets uncovered. I have not seen the “discovery” but question how the prosecution can prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Jeremy Hammond is guilty.

    They are undoubtedly attempting to prove just that; the US government can access these documents whenever they want; additionally, they can be assisted by the very hacker/informant who orchestrated the Stratfor event. I am under the impression that Hector Monsegur (aka Sabu) is allowed to access the internet to assist the US government and possibly wreak havoc on the lives of other activists, while Jeremy Hammond is not able to work with his attorneys on his own defense.

    At Hammond’s April 10 court appearance, the US Attorney requested an additional twenty days to determine a trial schedule. These twenty days will not count towards the speedy trial provision.

    The courtroom was packed with family, friends, and supporters in what Jeremy’s twin brother Jason described as the largest group of courtroom supporters since Jeremy’s arrest. The defense requested a ten minute visit for Jeremy and his mother and brother.

    Judge Loretta Preska asked the U.S. Marshalls if they could accommodate this.

    “It’s up to the judge,” one Marshall replied.

    Judge Preska permitted a ten minute visit that could not allow physical contact or passing of papers. After the courtroom emptied, Jeremy Hammond was able to turn around in his chair and face his family from his chair across and talk.  Jeremy Hammond was granted his first meeting with his mother and brother since his arrest, and it was ten minutes long.  After the gross abuse of power by the courts, this ten minutes seemed like a precious gift and not what citizens should be able to expect from the Criminal Justice system.


    The Order in which Judge Preska denies Hammond’s Motion to recuse has been issued.
    See here. Also, read our statement, below:

    We are Anonymous Solidarity Network. We wouldn’t exist without
    Jeremy Hammond, and the other arrested Anonymous, who put
    themselves on the front lines to fight, to sacrifice their freedom,
    for our foundation, to protect and assist those who wage war for
    transparency. Jeremy is a true revolutionary, and for that, he was
    designated an adversary by the U.S. government. His arrest
    resonated deeply across our ranks, worldwide, hit us in our hearts.
    We avenge him to assuage the pain. With every effort to silence
    him, we redouble our efforts to network, to use our machines and
    ourselves, to penetrate the state and its toxic secrets.

    The case against Jeremy Hammond was engineered, and in essence
    rigged, by the U.S. National Security State
    , in cooperation with
    the counterparts at Scotland Yard and Interpol. The narrative of
    the U.S. investigation against him, recounted in investigative
    articles like “Enemy of the State” by Janet Reitman at Rolling
    Stone, makes it clear that Jeremy was targeted by the United States
    government for his political beliefs almost a decade ago, and then
    finally made a pawn in the U.S. government’s exhaustive, relentless
    war against transparency, against anarchists, and against
    Wikileaks. The FBI used their tried and true fallback, and bought
    cooperation from a snitch to instigate and infiltrate us, in order
    to build a case against Jeremy. They hid behind anonymity to make
    cases against hacktivists. They orchestrate crimes, and engage in
    criminal activity and unconstitutional surveillance, using the same
    method they condemn: anonymity.

    They have continued their strategy of “win by any cost” by refusing
    to acknowledge that Judge Preska is fundamentally biased, and
    answers only to the government. This is why Jeremy didn’t get bail
    when he was clearly entitled to it. This is why Judge Preska
    refuses to recuse herself. The government cannot let this case be
    tried fairly, or they will be on trial themselves, and damned
    . They
    must stack the deck at every opportunity. They must rig
    investigations and court proceedings. This is nothing new.
    Throughout history, key figures in social movements have been
    targeted, in just the same manner.

    But Jeremy Hammond stands for the future, and liberation. Every day
    we remain free, we fight. And when we are gone, others will follow,
    in a never ending stream. We do not fear retribution. We do not
    fear jail. We do not expect justice from the state, and anyone who
    does has not been paying attention. So if we are to obtain a
    measure of justice, we must exact it ourselves
    . This is what we do,
    as people of conscience.

    Jeremy, brother, with every single day you’ve been gone, we’ve
    fought. And with every new arrest, people have stepped forward. You
    are in our work, our thoughts, and dreams. But those dreams offer
    no respite. We will not rest until you, and the others, are free.
    We will continue to use every means at our disposal to disrupt
    these investigations and prosecutions, because they are the rotten
    soul of secrecy
    , and serve only to fill our prisons for profit, at
    the expense of freedom and transparency.

    We want to offer heartfelt thanks to Hammond Support Network, for their
    tireless work on Jeremy’s behalf, and their very generous support of FreeAnons
    And they have enabled us to assist arrested Anonymous, in Jeremy’s name.
    We will never forget that.

    In Solidarity.